Morocco and the Zionist Entity: A Legacy of Betrayal and the Diplomacy of Deception
✍️ BY: Dr. Hana Saada
Algiers – October 2025 – For decades, the threads binding Morocco to the Zionist entity have been quietly interwoven behind a façade of official rhetoric—one that flaunts solidarity with Palestine while concealing a deeply entrenched alliance. Beneath the surface of diplomatic secrecy and grand slogans lies a history of covert dealings, mutual interests, and political subservience that persisted even during the genocidal war on Gaza. This entanglement, which began with files of emigration, espionage, and assassination, has expanded to encompass overt political, economic, and security partnerships. From this perspective, the recent normalization was not a sudden decision, but rather the culmination of a long trajectory of complicity with the Zionist project. Analysts and Moroccan intellectuals who spoke to El Ayam News affirm that the Kingdom has consistently tied its fate to foreign protection and Western endorsement—at the expense of its own sovereignty and national dignity—under the deceptive banner of “political realism.”
The story of betrayal did not begin in 2020, as the Moroccan state-controlled media would have the public believe. It stretches back over decades—a narrative steeped in contradictions, clandestine bargains, and calculated deceit that bound the Moroccan monarchy to Mossad since the reign of King Hassan II. This is a history of shadow cooperation, sharply at odds with the emotional discourse the regime has long paraded under the guise of defending Jerusalem and the Palestinian cause.
From the early 1960s, secret communication channels between the royal palace and the Zionist entity were already active. One of the earliest and most consequential operations was “Operation Yakhin”, through which nearly 97,000 Moroccan Jews were transferred to occupied Palestine between 1961 and 1964. The deal, struck directly between Rabat and Tel Aviv, granted Morocco a bounty of 100 U.S. dollars per emigrant, in addition to a half-million-dollar payment to facilitate the operation. This marked the first transaction in which Moroccan identity itself was commodified in service of the Zionist project—while official discourse continued to glorify Arab-Islamic solidarity and the unity of the Ummah.
Only a few years later, the darker face of this covert alliance emerged when Moroccan intelligence—working jointly with Mossad and the CIA—participated in the 1965 abduction of Moroccan opposition leader Mehdi Ben Barka in Paris. That crime, a permanent stain on Morocco’s ruling establishment, exposed the depth of its collaboration with Mossad. King Hassan II had even permitted Zionist intelligence to record the proceedings of the Arab League Summit in Casablanca that same year and provided sensitive intelligence on Arab leaders. From that point onward, the relationship transcended the limits of mere coordination—it evolved into a strategic dependency built on betrayal and espionage.
Amid the broader Arab-Zionist conflict, the Moroccan regime cynically instrumentalized the Palestinian cause to bolster its domestic and regional legitimacy, while expanding its covert ties with Tel Aviv. During the Sand War of 1963 against Algeria, the Zionist entity furnished Rabat with military assistance to enhance its combat capabilities. From then on, Morocco was no longer a passive collaborator but an active pawn in the Western-Israeli strategic order—an instrument of regional manipulation willing to serve foreign agendas in exchange for regime survival.
In 1979, King Hassan II assumed the chairmanship of the Jerusalem Committee under the Organization of Islamic Cooperation. He used this position to pose as a defender of Al-Quds while pursuing the opposite course in reality. Rabat became a public platform for pro-Jerusalem rhetoric, even as the palace quietly welcomed Israeli envoys behind closed doors. This duplicity epitomized the regime’s policy of diplomatic hypocrisy—professing solidarity in public while colluding in secret.
The façade collapsed in 1986, when King Hassan II received Zionist Prime Minister Shimon Peres at his palace—a meeting that ignited outrage throughout Morocco and across the Arab and Islamic world. Contrary to the official narrative portraying it as a step toward “peace” or “dialogue,” the encounter marked a turning point that exposed the monarchy’s duplicity and signaled the end of its pretenses. It became unmistakably clear that the Moroccan leadership had chosen the path of political betrayal—one where grand Arab causes are bartered for regime preservation, and allegiance is sold to the Israeli-Western axis at the expense of national honor and the conscience of the Arab nation.
From “Yakhin” to “Pegasus”: The Unbroken Thread of Normalization
With the signing of the Oslo Accords in the 1990s, Morocco officially opened the gates to partial normalization, permitting the establishment of mutual liaison offices with “Israel” in 1994, followed by the inauguration of a Moroccan mission in Tel Aviv in 1996. These offices, ostensibly diplomatic, in fact served as a façade for intensifying intelligence and commercial relations—relations that increasingly required a Zionist operational presence on Moroccan soil. When the Second Intifada erupted in 2000, Morocco temporarily closed these offices; yet, cooperation did not cease. It merely retreated into the shadows, taking on new forms, most notably through the involvement of Moroccan intelligence in deploying Zionist spyware such as Pegasus to surveil journalists and dissidents.
In December 2020, the Moroccan ruling establishment announced the formal normalization of relations with the Zionist entity, in exchange for a fleeting American recognition—what was then cynically dubbed “tweet diplomacy”—that granted Morocco an illusory sovereignty over Western Sahara. That step marked the beginning of a new phase of Moroccan–Zionist alignment, one so complete that their political and strategic positions became nearly indistinguishable. Rabat replaced the banner of defending Palestine with a short-term political bargain, as though Jerusalem itself could be traded for a tweet from then-U.S. President Donald Trump during his waning days in the White House.
Since that moment, the pace of military and security agreements between the two sides has accelerated dramatically. “Israel” now exports arms to Morocco, participates in joint military exercises, and strengthens its foothold in North Africa—all while Gaza continues to bleed under siege and genocide, and Jerusalem succumbs daily to the machinery of Judaization. The painful irony is that Morocco’s rulers still raise the slogan of defending Al-Quds even as they host Zionist officials in Rabat and allow the Zionist flag to flutter over Moroccan soil. In the mosques, prayers are raised for Palestine; in government offices, contracts of cooperation are signed with the occupation army. This duplicity has become a defining feature of Rabat’s policy—where normalization, at every stage, is used as an instrument for regime preservation, even at the expense of the Moroccan people’s dignity and the moral foundations of the Arab and Islamic world.
The relationship with “Israel” has evolved from secrecy to open alliance, from covert intelligence coordination to full-fledged strategic partnership. The Zionist entity is now a de facto participant in Morocco’s security decision-making and domestic surveillance—a stakeholder rather than a mere foreign guest. Morocco, once a sovereign actor, now resembles a subordinate state, tethered to the dictates of external powers.
King Hassan II laid the groundwork for this alliance through covert meetings and secret deals; his successor, King Mohammed VI, inherited and institutionalized it under the guise of “political realism.” Yet this so-called realism, as analysts describe it, is nothing but complete subservience to Western and Zionist interests. Every new step toward normalization exacts a heavy price: it erodes Morocco’s standing among Arab nations and betrays the Palestinian cause. For how can one who chairs the “Jerusalem Committee” while simultaneously welcoming Zionist generals into his palace claim to defend Jerusalem? Such conduct represents the height of political deceit. To barter Al-Quds for a temporary recognition in Western Sahara is to relinquish both sovereignty and honor. Thus, the Moroccan monarchy has transformed its relationship with “Israel” into a political creed rooted not in principle or solidarity, but in opportunism and self-preservation.
Today, it is evident that what the regime calls a “new era” between Rabat and Tel Aviv is nothing more than an extension of the old—one that began with deportations, espionage, and assassinations. The only difference is that the masks have fallen. The Moroccan regime can no longer hide behind religious slogans; history has recorded everything: from Operation Yakhin to Pegasus, from the blood of Mehdi Ben Barka to arms deals with the Zionist entity—all chapters in a single narrative titled Betrayal of Principle for the Survival of Power.
According to Moroccan political analyst Rachid Rami, Morocco did not normalize in 2020—it merely declared what it had been practicing for six decades. He asserts that today’s political justifications do not alter the fundamental truth: normalization with “Israel” is normalization with injustice and dispossession. “Those who extend their hand to the Zionists,” he says, “forfeit the right to speak of justice, brotherhood, or resistance.” The masks, Rami concludes, have long since fallen; the truth now stands bare—Morocco sold Jerusalem long ago, retaining only the image of the king as head of the Jerusalem Committee to deceive those still clinging to hollow slogans.
Rifts within the Moroccan Royal Family and Security Apparatus
The ties between the Moroccan throne and “Israel” have moved beyond the realm of political normalization to form a covert thread that winds through the country’s security apparatus, wrapping itself around the inner circles of power and fueling a silent struggle among Morocco’s ruling elite. As the post-Mohammed VI era approaches, the battle for succession has assumed a distinctly intelligence-driven dimension. The contest is no longer over mere royal favor but over who enjoys the confidence of “Israel” and its partners in Abu Dhabi and Washington.
This internal “cold war” has manifested as a power struggle between Abdellatif Hammouchi, Director-General of National Security and Territorial Surveillance (DST), and Mohammed Yassine Mansouri, head of the General Directorate for Studies and Documentation (DGED)—two of the most powerful figures in Morocco’s modern history. Hammouchi, who has emerged as the “man of the hour” for Morocco’s new allies in the Gulf and in Tel Aviv, does not conceal his extensive connections with Israeli intelligence, which has bolstered his agency’s capabilities through advanced spyware—foremost among them the Pegasus program, which sparked global scandal after infiltrating the phones of world leaders, including French President Emmanuel Macron.
Israel’s support for Hammouchi is no coincidence. For Tel Aviv, he represents the principal gateway to Moroccan security and political influence within the royal court. Having consolidated control over Morocco’s domestic intelligence network, Hammouchi has become a key asset not only for Israel but also for Abu Dhabi, which regards him as its “special operations man” in coordinating with the occupation regime.
His recent visits to the United States—where he reportedly met CIA Director William Burns and FBI Director Christopher Wray—did not go unnoticed. Although Washington has not officially confirmed these meetings, their circulation in diplomatic circles reflects the degree of international backing surrounding Hammouchi, at a time when his rival Mansouri’s standing appears to be waning within the power hierarchy. In contrast, relations with Paris remain tense following the 2018 incident when Hammouchi narrowly escaped arrest over torture allegations brought by Moroccan boxer Zakaria Moumni. Since then, his image has been tarnished in French media, particularly after the Pegasus revelations that branded Morocco as a state spying on its European partners.
Meanwhile, Mohammed Yassine Mansouri, long considered one of the king’s closest confidants, now appears marginalized. Once described as the “shadow of the king,” he has lost the battle for influence to his rival, who enjoys the backing of the Tel Aviv–Abu Dhabi axis. Mansouri’s attempts to preserve his standing through palace connections have faltered against a fortified alliance that links Hammouchi to the emerging centers of power—those that view “security normalization” with Israel as the ultimate guarantee of regime continuity in the post-Mohammed VI era.
Lurking in the background is André Azoulay, the Jewish royal advisor—one of the most influential figures in modern Moroccan political history. According to political analyst Rachid Rami, Azoulay is not merely an economic or diplomatic counselor, but the chief architect of the deep-rooted relationship between Rabat and Tel Aviv since the 1990s. Having joined the royal court in 1991 under Hassan II, Azoulay hailed from the core of the American Zionist lobby, particularly from the circles surrounding AIPAC. He became the essential bridge linking Morocco to Israeli and Western institutions, which view the Kingdom as a strategic gateway to penetrate the Maghreb region. Since his appointment, Morocco’s security and military cooperation with Israel has expanded dramatically—culminating in today’s unprecedented network of intelligence and defense agreements.
Azoulay’s presence in the royal palace is not a mere protocol detail; it is a cornerstone of Morocco’s governing formula. As the Moroccan-Jewish scholar Jacob Cohen observes, Azoulay is “the true conductor of the orchestra,” orchestrating the interplay between political and security forces and calibrating the rhythm of normalization according to the balance of power within Morocco’s deep state. He has propelled cooperation to its furthest limits—from intelligence coordination to monitor dissidents, to the infusion of Israeli surveillance technologies into Morocco’s internal security structure. Thus, it is increasingly impossible to distinguish between Israeli infiltration and the restructuring of Morocco’s security apparatus under Hammouchi’s supervision—for all roads, it seems, now lead to Tel Aviv.
The Throne Between Two Intelligence Apparatuses: A Battle to Redefine Power in Morocco
Since the signing of the normalization agreement in 2020, Morocco’s security equation has undergone a radical transformation. The Zionist entity has shifted from being a mere diplomatic partner to acting as a field advisor—providing training, equipment, digital surveillance systems, and direct input in shaping internal security and counterterrorism policies. This transformation did not emerge overnight; rather, it is the culmination of decades of covert collaboration initiated by King Hassan II, who opened secret channels with the Zionists in the 1960s, reaching its peak with Mossad’s involvement in the abduction of opposition leader Mehdi Ben Barka in 1965. Nearly sixty years later, history seems to be repeating itself—only now under a more modern and audacious guise.
The intelligence struggle within Morocco has long surpassed the boundaries of administrative rivalry between two agencies; it now reflects a profound battle over the very identity of the state. The question looms large: will the Kingdom remain rooted in its traditional Arab and Islamic context, or will it evolve into a security-political entity tethered to the Zionist–Gulf axis? This is the essence of the ongoing power struggle between Yassine Mansouri and Abdellatif Hammouchi—between loyalty to the throne and allegiance to new alliances, between historical Morocco and the emerging “security Morocco,” whose contours are being shaped today behind closed doors where Moroccan officers meet Mossad advisers.
Paradoxically, those entrusted with protecting Morocco’s sovereign security decision have themselves become conduits for dependency, as state institutions increasingly rely on Zionist technology to monitor citizens and dissidents alike. Leaked documents from the Jabarut Group revealed that Moroccan intelligence shared sensitive data with Zionist firms under the guise of technical cooperation, and that some of this data was later used to track opponents abroad. In exchange, the Zionists obtained vast databases on Morocco’s political and social movements, effectively positioning themselves as silent partners in the country’s security decision-making process.
At the center of this shifting landscape stands Mohamed Yassine Mansouri, the director of external intelligence, whose name in recent years has become synonymous with secrecy and controversy within Morocco’s deep state. Once considered a discreet strategist at the helm of the General Directorate for Studies and Documentation (DGED), Mansouri now finds himself engulfed in suspicion. Leaks and international reports have exposed networks of corruption and financial manipulation within an agency meant to represent Morocco’s intelligence face to the world.
According to an investigation published by Le Monde in July 2025, the DGED was rocked by an unprecedented scandal following the defection of senior officer Mehdi Hajjaoui, accused of fraud and involvement in illegal migrant deportations to Europe. The investigation exposed, for the first time, a web of personal interests connecting senior officials within the DGED. Moreover, new evidence linked these illicit operations to suspicious financial practices allegedly carried out with Mansouri’s knowledge or under his directives, according to European diplomatic sources.
Meanwhile, Der Spiegel revealed that Mansouri’s name surfaced in documents related to the notorious MarocGate scandal, which shook the European Parliament in 2023 after Rabat was accused of bribing European lawmakers to influence decisions concerning human rights in Western Sahara. The report stated that under Mansouri’s leadership, the DGED was part of a covert network that funneled vast sums of money through unofficial channels to fund lobbying campaigns across European institutions—a manifestation of the agency’s transformation into a political and economic actor exceeding its intelligence mandate.
The most devastating blow came in March 2025, when MoroccoMail published leaked internal documents from DGED officers addressed directly to King Mohammed VI, warning of “the fragile internal situation within the DGED” and “the spread of favoritism and financial mismanagement,” describing it as a “cancer threatening the agency’s stability.” The letter, which sent shockwaves through Morocco’s security circles, included references to fictitious projects allegedly approved by Mansouri himself, and intelligence development funds that mysteriously vanished into offshore accounts, while field agents suffered marginalization and exclusion.
As pressure mounted, Mansouri appeared to lose the palace backing he once enjoyed, particularly from older royal circles, following the rise of Abdellatif Hammouchi—seen as the favored figure of the Zionists and the Emiratis. Hammouchi has leveraged the corruption scandals to undermine his rival within Morocco’s deep state. The confrontation between the two intelligence agencies has since evolved into a shadow war of influence, where leaks and scandals are wielded as weapons in a battle for dominance within the regime itself.
While the royal palace maintains official silence, foreign reports suggest an unannounced restructuring of Morocco’s intelligence hierarchy—one that may ultimately sideline or oust Mansouri. What is certain, however, is that his once carefully crafted image as the “quiet intelligence mind” has been irreparably tarnished. The veil has been lifted from a system long operating as a parallel financial empire, where the lines blur between security and corruption, state and mafia, patriotism and submission to foreign agendas.
In this volatile context, King Mohammed VI stands at a dangerous crossroads. The rift between Hammouchi and Mansouri is no longer hidden; it now threatens the delicate equilibrium of power his father built upon the principle of “balanced loyalties.” Today, the scales tip clearly in Hammouchi’s favor—the man now marketed as the guarantor of regime stability in the eyes of Washington, Tel Aviv, and Abu Dhabi. Yet his growing centrality unsettles the palace’s old guard, who view his expanding power as a potential threat to the royal family’s long-term stability, particularly as his influence now spans security, politics, economics, and even diplomacy.
The current developments in Rabat cannot be reduced to a mere professional rivalry between two men; they represent a reconfiguration of power within a Morocco standing on the threshold of a new era. While some regard Hammouchi as the man of the coming phase, others warn that his deep entanglement with the Zionist entity could become a heavy liability at the moment of political transition. Moroccan history teaches that the palace never tolerates any official—no matter how powerful—becoming a “state within the state.” Yet this time, a troubling question arises: is decision-making still truly in the hands of the palace, or is it now being scripted in Hebrew letters from Tel Aviv?
In this regard, political analyst Rachid Rami told an international platform: “What is unfolding behind the scenes is not simply a functional competition between two figures—it is a reconfiguration of the balance of power within the regime itself. Hammouchi today embodies the new security face aligned with the Zionist axis and certain Gulf states, while Mansouri represents remnants of the traditional royal line that viewed external intelligence as a tool to safeguard the throne, not to serve foreign agendas.”
Rami added: “The transformations within Morocco’s intelligence apparatus since 2020 reveal that the center of decision-making has shifted from the royal palace to a security circle increasingly aligned with foreign powers—a precedent unseen since the reign of Hassan II.”
The intrigue deepens with the presence of André Azoulay, royal adviser and the man many describe as the “architect of normalization.” His influence runs deep within the corridors of power. As Rami notes, “Azoulay is not merely an adviser; he is the linchpin connecting Rabat and Tel Aviv, bridging Zionist capital and the Moroccan Makhzen. Quietly and shrewdly, he orchestrated the security and military agreements that placed Morocco at the heart of the regional espionage network.” He adds, “When we see Mossad now regarded as an official partner in building Morocco’s security capabilities, it becomes clear that this is no longer an exchange of expertise—it is the surrender of sovereignty itself.”
The Political Structure in Morocco: Between the Concept of the Monarchy and the Makhzen System
Moroccan political analyst Mohamed Qadin explained to El Ayam News that understanding the structure of power in Morocco requires a precise distinction between the monarchy—the constitutional and legitimate framework of governance—and the Makhzen, the actual system of authority operating behind the scenes. The monarchy, he clarified, is officially presented as a hereditary institution grounded in the rule of law, as enshrined in the 2011 Constitution, which designates the King as the “symbol of national unity” and the head of state ensuring its continuity and stability.
The constitutional framework, however, does not necessarily reflect the true distribution of power within the country. According to Qadin, “the Makhzen” constitutes the hidden structure that holds the strings of political and security decision-making, forming the real center of power through a complex network of palace officials, security figures, local administrators, and businessmen whose interests are closely tied to the ruling elite.
Qadin explains that the Makhzen does not operate within the logic of modern institutions but rather through a logic of personal allegiance, whereby the state is reduced to the person of the King and his inner circle. Strategic decisions in foreign policy, security, and the economy emanate directly from the palace, while the government and parliament are confined to a purely administrative role, handling routine management without any tangible influence on major national orientations. According to the analyst, this model renders “Moroccan democracy” a mere façade — a cosmetic front masking a rigid centralized system in which power is exercised in the name of constitutional legitimacy but effectively governed by a deeply entrenched traditional apparatus that traces its roots back to the ancient Makhzen order.
Qadin cites the Moroccan sociologist Abdellah Hammoudi, who aptly stated: “The Makhzen represents a hierarchical authoritarian system that connects the center to the periphery through loyalty and submission, not through law and institutions.” This, Qadin argues, precisely captures the vertical nature of power relations in Morocco. Senior state positions are granted not based on competence or expertise, but on proximity to the centers of decision-making and royal trust, making royal decrees the primary mechanism for ensuring loyalty over merit.
He further adds that this authoritarian structure has managed to dominate state institutions through three interlocking mechanisms: control over high-level appointments to keep key posts in loyal hands; domestication of parliament and media through “administrative parties” and a guided press that reproduces official discourse and sanctifies the notion of “state authority”; and finally, maintaining judicial subordination under the symbolic tutelage of the King, despite constitutional provisions proclaiming judicial independence. As a result, justice has been reduced to a tool of control rather than an independent regulatory power.
This reality, Qadin notes, has produced a conservative bureaucratic elite nurtured within the womb of the Makhzen, perpetuating the same authoritarian logic. Every promotion or appointment is subjected to the test of loyalty rather than merit, stripping elected institutions of substance and rendering political life contingent on palace calculations rather than societal priorities.
Qadin concludes: “The Kingdom is merely a legal façade for a deeper entity known as the Makhzen, which monopolizes political action and controls the state from top to bottom — through an intricate blend of the monarchy’s religious symbolism and the economic and security interests of its surrounding elite. Thus, the Moroccan system remains balanced on a delicate duality between modern constitutional form and the traditional core of power — a balance that ensures the continuity of rule without genuine accountability, keeping the political sphere under tight control within a state that appears modern but is governed by the old Makhzen mindset.”
Corruption and Zionist Infiltration within the Moroccan State
Within this investigative framework pursued by El Ayam News, a complex picture emerges concerning what experts now describe as the infiltration of the Zionist entity into the fabric of Moroccan state institutions under the guise of “security and economic cooperation” following the formal normalization agreement between Rabat and Tel Aviv in December 2020. What began as “diplomatic openness” has gradually evolved into structural penetration of Morocco’s political and security decision-making centers, according to several analysts and Maghreb affairs experts.
Moroccan political analyst Khalil Zaqandi told El Ayam News that corruption within Morocco’s security apparatus is no longer a mere financial or administrative phenomenon but has become a functional mechanism for consolidating Zionist influence within the state. In recent years, Morocco witnessed an alarming surge in opaque security and military contracts with Zionist companies, most notably those specializing in surveillance and espionage technologies. Among them is NSO Group, notoriously linked to the Pegasus spyware scandal, which was deployed within Morocco against journalists and political activists, as documented by Amnesty International and Citizen Lab between 2021 and 2023.
Zaqandi emphasizes that what is happening in Morocco “cannot be described as mere normalization.” He adds: “Relations between the Moroccan monarchy and the Zionist entity have surpassed the diplomatic sphere, amounting to handing over the country’s keys to the Zionists, who have infiltrated the sectors of education, defense, religious affairs, and culture. Morocco today performs a functional role in favor of the Zionist project, enabling ‘Israel’ to expand its foothold in Africa, particularly in Mauritania and Senegal.”
This economic and security penetration, he notes, has been accompanied by the emergence of parallel financial and political networks. Several businessmen close to the royal establishment have become intermediaries in dubious deals involving money laundering through shell companies registered abroad — channels for the inflow of Zionist capital into Moroccan markets. This collusion between capital and power has granted corruption a new shield under the banner of “strategic cooperation,” while, in truth, the country’s economic sovereignty is being gradually surrendered to foreign lobbies controlling defense and technology contracts.
Zaqandi adds that normalization has become a political cover protecting corruption within the Makhzen system. “Cooperation with ‘Israel’ is publicly marketed as a ‘national strategic choice,’ rendering any investigation into corruption cases linked to it a form of questioning the so-called national interest,” he explains. “In this way, corruption becomes politically immunized and wrapped in a false patriotic discourse, while the regime exploits security rhetoric to silence critical voices.”
He warns that Morocco has effectively turned into a forward base for Mossad operations in North Africa: “This is no mere intelligence partnership — it is a comprehensive process of infiltration. The Zionists have found in Morocco a strategic gateway to the Sahel and West Africa, exploiting the fragility of political structures and elite corruption to redraw the regional map of influence.”
Morocco and the Zionist Entity: A Hegemonic Alliance Threatening Maghreb Stability
Testimonies collected by El Ayam News reveal the formation of what can be described as one of the most dangerous geopolitical alliances in North Africa — a strategic partnership between the Moroccan regime and the Zionist entity whose objectives extend far beyond “security cooperation.” It is a project of domination serving Israeli and American ambitions in the Maghreb and the Sahel.
Since the signing of the normalization deal in December 2020, Rabat has been leveraging its intelligence and military relations with Mossad as a bargaining chip in the Western Sahara conflict, seeking U.S.–Zionist backing in the United Nations and Security Council in exchange for granting Zionist companies access to energy, agriculture, and technology sectors in the occupied Saharan territories.
Diplomatic sources confirm that some Zionist firms have already begun operating in Laayoune and Dakhla, in blatant violation of international law recognizing Western Sahara as a non-sovereign territory.
Political analyst Bouazza Ben Slimane told El Ayam News that “the Makhzen seeks not only political recognition but an intelligence umbrella ensuring its regime’s survival.” He explains: “Mossad offers the Moroccan monarchy more than security cooperation; it provides an artificial international legitimacy through American–Zionist influence within Western institutions — in exchange for allowing ‘Israel’ to expand deeper into Africa through the Moroccan gateway.”
Ben Slimane stresses that this alliance poses a direct threat to regional security, especially to Algeria, given the reported presence of Zionist officers and experts in surveillance and espionage bases near Algeria’s western borders. Western intelligence reports confirm that cooperation includes data exchange and satellite imagery analysis, coordinated by Zionist cybersecurity firms.
He further warns that Morocco has become an operational platform for intelligence activities serving Zionist interests in the Sahel and West Africa — a development undermining collective security and destabilizing African Union peace efforts. “Israel is engineering new alignments in the continent,” he asserts, “with Morocco as the spearhead against Algeria and every project advocating unity or liberation.”
Across the Arab and African public spheres, this alliance is widely perceived as a double betrayal — a betrayal of the Palestinian cause and a betrayal of the values of liberation that Morocco once championed. As political analyst Rachid Rami told El Ayam News: “How can a regime that calls itself the ‘Commandery of the Faithful’ ally with a colonial entity built on killing and dispossession? Morocco has traded its moral compass for political protection from Washington and Tel Aviv, becoming the grand gateway of normalization that legitimizes occupation and weakens the Arab stance in every international forum.”
The Moroccan Rif: The Living Memory of Resistance that Haunts the Makhzen
According to Rif analyst Ahmed Soultan, the Rif region remains the truest reflection of the Moroccan state, where the Makhzen’s repressive policies are laid bare beyond the rhetoric of “development” and “territorial justice.” The Rif is not merely a geographical area but a living historical embodiment of resistance — from Abdelkrim al-Khattabi to the most recent protests — and it continues to terrify the regime, not for its demands, but for its unyielding memory that refuses submission.
Soultan explains that the so-called “Equity and Reconciliation” policy was nothing but a cosmetic mask concealing the regime’s authoritarian reality. Continuous arrests, political and social exclusion of activists, and economic marginalization all serve one purpose: reinforcing the Makhzen’s control over the Rif. Every voice demanding justice is treated not as a legitimate grievance but as a threat to state authority.
He asserts that the judiciary has ceased to be an instrument of justice, becoming instead a means of coercion. Laws are interpreted selectively, verdicts reflect political will rather than legal principle, and any case that endangers the regime’s dominance is swiftly turned into a criminal prosecution, while the abuses of regime loyalists are overlooked.
Soultan also underscores the complicit role of the state-controlled media, which reconstructs official narratives to justify repression, transforming every peaceful protest into an “act of sedition,” even when the real demands concern nothing more than dignity, infrastructure, and basic rights.
He further reveals that the regime’s repression now extends into the technological realm through spyware such as Pegasus, deployed in collaboration with foreign intelligence agencies to surveil journalists and activists rather than protect citizens.
At the symbolic level, Soultan states: “The Makhzen fears the Rif because it represents the living conscience of the nation — its history, its collective memory, and its defiance. This is why the state has pursued a multi-layered strategy: judicial repression, media distortion, technological surveillance, and economic suffocation.”
He adds that this repression has, at times, reached the level of systematic assassinations targeting prominent Rif figures such as Imad Attabi, Mohsen Fikri, Kamal Hassani, and Rifenkous, as well as the martyrs of the February 20 Movement and the earlier uprisings of 1958–1959 and 1984 — evidence that repression is not episodic but systemic.
Socially and politically, however, this sustained repression has only deepened resentment and renewed the spirit of resistance. The new generation in the Rif, Soultan notes, is more historically conscious and politically aware, recognizing that demanding dignity is not a crime, no matter how harsh the state’s retaliation.
He concludes that unless the Moroccan regime acknowledges the Rif’s historical legacy, invests genuinely in development, and rebuilds trust with its citizens, the region will remain an open wound exposing the true face of state power. “Ignoring this equation,” he warns, “will only exacerbate tensions and reaffirm that freedom and justice are red lines that cannot be erased by fear.”
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